Stage plot pro safe free#

Yet surely the conception of 'member' involves some minimal interaction. One could object that the fetus in the womb is as signally present in society as the child in the crib, that each are equally members of society. In analogous fashion, until the fetus is actually, not potentially, a member of society, it does not have constitutional rights. But the guarantee depends on his entrance onto American territory.

He may have a guarantee that should he enter the United States, he will be accorded many of those protections. An Australian cannot lay claim to American rights until he is on American soil (or its equivalent). A person's rights protect him from future harassment, but to actually obtain those rights he must already be a member of the group providing him with those protections.

Stage plot pro safe free#

Different political platforms advocate different rights-the right to free medical care, the right to minimal taxation-but all demarcate the interaction of the individual within the group. Animals and children are unavoidably present within a society, and to ensure that they remain functioning members of that society they must be protected from exploitation by other societal members. The first looks at individual rights as the products of a social doctrine. Two arguments delineate the problems in giving the fetus these equivalent rights. The fetus must be accorded the same constitutional rights as its mother. Right-to-Lifers claim that because the fetus will develop into a human being, it demands the same paternalistic protection that is extended to animals, children and others subject to exploitation and maltreatment. The Supreme Court decided in 1973 that the unborn fetus had no constitutional rights until the third trimester (24-28 weeks), as it is incapable of functioning independently from the mother until that time. Anti-abortionist proponents usually take the position that conception is life and therefore abortion is murder and violates the rights of the unborn, or that there is an inherent value in life and abortion is murder because it destroys that value. But the issue that provokes such anger surrounds the fetus's right to life-its status as a potential human being. And the taxpayer price of supporting a child on welfare is far greater than that of a Medicaid abortion. Two-thirds of teenage pregnancies are not planned, because many do not have adequate access to contraceptives (NARAL). Approximately 1 million women had abortions annually until the 1973 decision legalizing abortion, and abortion had become the leading cause of maternal death and mutilation (40 deaths/100,000 abortions compared to 40 deaths/100,000 live births according to National Abortion Rights Action league.) An estimated 9000 rape victims become pregnant each year (FBI 1973) 100,000 cases of incest occur yearly (National Center for Child Abuse and Neglect, 1978). Social analysis argues forcibly for the need for safe, legal and affordable abortions. Motherhood is a powerful institution in American life, and both the 'Pro-choice' (supporting a woman's right to choose) and the 'Pro-life' (anti-abortion) forces see the other as attacking the foundations of the mother-infant bond. Invoking an almost religious fervor on both sides of the issue, abortion is one of the most emotionally potent present political controversies. There are those who hold that contraception unfairly manipulates the workings of nature, and others who cannot see the fetus as a child until the umbilical cord is cut.